Messiah - My Testimony to Rev. Sun Myung Moon Volume II - Bo Hi Pak

Chapter 20 - The Summit Between Sun Myung Moon and Kim Il Sung [Part 5 of 5]

"Love Is Thicker Than Blood"

After we met with President Kim, we returned to Pyongyang. That evening, a farewell banquet was held in what could only be called a festive atmosphere. It goes pretty much without saying that the happiest ones there were Chairman Yoon and Deputy Premier Kim. The banquet itself was hosted by Reverend Moon as a gesture of thanks before leaving.

At the banquet, Reverend Moon made a farewell address entitled "Love Is Thicker Than Blood." This alluded to his address upon arrival, a short speech entitled "Blood Is Thicker Than Water." In his farewell address, he went one step further:

Most respected Committee Chairman Yoon, Deputy Premier Kim Dal Ryon, and fellow compatriots who have gathered here today:

On November 30, I arrived in Puk Choson [North Choson, the North Koreans' colloquial name for North Korea]," my much-longed-for homeland. This was only possible thanks to the kindness and consideration afforded to me by President Kim Il Sung.
During my time here in North Korea, I had the opportunity to visit historical Pyongyang's beautifully constructed downtown area. For the first time in my life, I saw the incredible Kumgang Mountain region. I was also able to visit my hometown of Jeong ju, which I had not seen since I left there some forty-eight years ago.
When I visited my hometown, I found that the house in which I was born and where I spent my childhood had been preserved, despite the fact that it is now more than seventy-two years old. Moreover, forty-eight members of my family and relatives all gathered together to welcome me and my fellow travelers. Particularly as one gets older, and especially the further away one gets, the more one wants to visit one's hometown. And I was lucky enough to visit mine! However, at the same moment that I was reunited with my family, my heart was pierced by a pain so intense that I thought my heart would break. The reason was, simply, that I could not help thinking of the ten million other separated family members who were not sharing, and could not share, the same joy.
I am now more than seventy years old. People as old as I am will soon depart the world, unable to be reunited with their families even once. Where is there a greater tragedy than this? Nevertheless, thanks to a wonderful humanitarian gesture by President Kim Il Sung, hope for reunion has come to Korea's unfortunate divided families. He has promised to make a system and prepare the various required arrangements so that divided families can meet again beginning from next year.
Fellow compatriots! When I go south, there is no greater gift that I can take with me than this. The news will stir the hearts of our forty million countrymen and women who reside in South Korea.
Today I had the opportunity to hold lengthy discussions with President Kim. Of course, it is true that you will always find some differences between the views and approaches of different people, but I was deeply moved by President Kim's thoroughgoing spirit of love for the Korean people.

Reverend and Mrs. Moon with President Kim.

My friends! During these last eight days of my visit to this, my beloved homeland, I received the warmest hospitality and was treated like a head of the state. I offer my gratitude to Committee Chairman Yoon, Deputy Premier Kim and to everyone else who worked so hard to make our stay a good one. You truly took care of us well. Likewise, I truly and sincerely love you, my North Korean compatriots.
For a long time, I have continuously emphasized that the only power that can achieve national reunification is true love. On this current trip, I have seen firsthand the creation of bonds of true love between North and South. When I first came here, I said that "blood is thicker than water." Now, at this time of departure, it is my sincere wish that love for our people will last eternally. And as I leave, I would like to leave you with these words: "True love is thicker than blood!" ...

Kim Il Sang with Dr and Mrs. Pak.

In conclusion, let me say I will depart having been deeply moved by my visit here to North Korea. My longing for reunification has become even more passionate, and I can now see the possibility of reunification beginning to appear. Let us all come together, love one another, understand one another, and reconcile with each other to hasten the day when the unification of our homeland is accomplished.
In closing, I would like to propose a toast to President Kim Il Sung and Secretary Kim Jong Il. Thank you.
(Worker's Daily News, December 7, 1991)

As soon as Reverend Moon proposed the toast, everyone at the banquet stood up and, after drinking the toast, gave thunderous applause. It was a moving scene, a precursor of national reunification. The whole event was a festive celebration, bringing to a close our visit to the North. By the end of the evening, everyone joined in singing together; even Reverend and Mrs. Moon offered a song. Another thing that deeply impressed me was that Deputy Premier Kim has an outstanding voice. People joked that he had chosen the wrong occupation.

"When Swords Are Forged Into Plowshares"

Finally, at three o'clock in the afternoon on December 7, 1991, after many reluctant good-byes, Reverend Moon and the rest of our group boarded a specially prepared aircraft at Soonan Airport and left Pyongyang. We had been in North Korea for only eight days, but it felt like we had been away for several months.

At Beijing airport, we were greeted by Mr. Ju Ch'ang Jun, North Korea's ambassador to China. He had come out all the way to the disembarkation ramp. Large flakes of snow were falling here and there in the wind.

A group of waiting domestic and international reporters had gathered in the airport VIP room, which had been made available thanks to the kindness of the Chinese government. At half past four, Reverend Moon read them a statement. As this statement is a good reflection of Reverend Moon's true thoughts on the whole affair, I will record here a summary of the main points.

"Statement by Reverend Sun Myung Moon Upon Arriving in Beijing"

Having Returned From North Korea

I have just returned, together with my wife, from Pyongyang, where we went at the invitation of the North Korean government. It was a historical opportunity for me, having left North Korea in December 1950, making it forty years and eleven months since I was last there. If there is anyone who might be justified in feeling a grudge against North Korea, then it is I. Because of my role as a religious leader, as well as my thorough and consistent anti-communist convictions, I have been on the receiving end of an incredible amount of persecution from the current ruling government of North Korea. I was the victim of unspeakable torture. During my almost three years in the Hungnam concentration camp, I watched many innocent prisoners die miserable deaths, one after the other. It is a rather amazing miracle that I am actually alive and well, thanks only to the special protection and grace of God.

Arriving In Pyongyang By The Power Of True Love

This time, however, I went to North Korea in the spirit of true love in my capacity as founder of the Unification Church. True Love is the spirit of "loving even the unlovable." This is the reason the Lord Jesus said to "love your enemies."

In arriving in Pyongyang, my mind and heart were as clear as the Korean autumn skies. I was not going to the house of my enemy, but to my brother's house, to my hometown. I walked the land of North Korea in the same spirit and conviction that I have lived all my life: "Forgive, love, unite."

My "Victory Over Communism" Ideology Is The Ideology Of Humankind's Salvation

During the course of the Cold War over the last forty years, I have been a through and through anti-communist. It is known all over the world that as the founder of the International Federation for Victory Over Communism, I have devoted my life for the struggle to obtain victory over communism. However, my ideology does not seek the destruction or death of the communists, but rather seeks to offer them a way to live. It is the ideology of the salvation of all humankind. Since the destruction of the Berlin Wall, when the communist world began to collapse, I have put all my effort into rescuing those nations by educating the communists in a new value system.

It is widely known that I have invited thousands of politicians, intelligentsia, academics and students from the newly formed democracies in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and brought them to the United States and Japan. From there, after learning about true democracy and being deeply inspired by my Godism and headwing ideology, they returned to their countries and participated on the frontline in movements to revive their own nations.

It is these convictions and beliefs that led me to found the Federation for World Peace and to lead an international peace movement, the purpose of which is to expand and multiply across the world the trend toward peace that arose with the end of the Cold War era. These things, too, are the fruits of my convictions and beliefs.

My Efforts For The Divided Families Of North And South Korea

At the moment when I was reunited with my family in North Korea, I felt not only great joy but also a heart-wrenching sense of sorrow. I was thinking of my many compatriots whose loving families have been divided between North and South and who were unable to share the same joy of reunion that I was experiencing. When I thought of the many people who would die and thus be unable to experience that joy forever, I realized to my bones how important it is that we hasten the end of the tragedy of our family and national divisions. In my recent talks with President Kim Il Sung, I requested that the president bring about changes to resolve the problem of families divided between North and South.

Proposal For Economic Development Support

I believe that the solution to communism and the achievement of world peace cannot be accomplished by education or ideological consensus alone. Economic assistance is an important aspect of rescuing and reviving the world. It is for that reason that I have already invested $250 million to construct the Panda Automobile Industrial City in China.

My stance toward North Korea is the same, although if there is one difference, it is that North Korea is the land of my people, the land of brothers and sisters who share the same blood. Blood is thicker than water. I love the twenty-five million Koreans who live in the North as my own brothers and sisters, and I love them dearly.

Nevertheless, the hope of all the Korean people, our national reunification, cannot be accomplished by political, economic, or military means alone. There is one condition that must precede all these things. True love must be the driving force for a revitalization and reformation of North-South relations in the political, economic, and military areas, in order to lay a base and pattern for national reunification.

It must be remembered that true love is the same as a parent's love; true love is unconditional. The spirit to be able to sacrifice one's life, to be able to throw it away for the sake of my community, that too is the spirit of true love. For this reason, I expressed to the North Korean authorities that I am willing to actively participate in economic development projects to expand economic cooperation and exchanges with the North.

War Cannot Be An Option

In truth, my trip to Pyongyang this time was as an apostle of peace. I firmly believe that whatever the case, we must not allow internecine war to erupt again on the Korean peninsula. The idea of making a first strike against North Korea's nuclear facilities has recently been mentioned in the United States. This is an extremely dangerous idea. North Korea is not Iraq. That such an action would trigger full-blown warfare is clear, and nobody can accurately foresee the terrible results it would bring.

America must be very careful about threatening the very existence and living circumstances of the Korean people. I believe that the North Korean nuclear issue can be peacefully resolved. Indeed, it must be peacefully resolved, and it must be done through sincere talks carried out in the spirit of mutual respect. The reason I went to Pyongyang this time was to open up the way for dialogue, and in fact I have done just that; the way for dialogue is now wide open.

I visited North Korea in the sincere desire that any results I could bring would create a good opportunity for the relationship between the governments of both North and South Korea to develop in terms of dialogue and exchange. Having now returned, I am certain that such developments will successfully be achieved.

National Reunification Is The Destiny Of The Korean People

The task that stands before Koreans today is national reunification. This is our destiny, a sacred task that we must devote our lives to fulfill. In accordance with God's Will, I have lived my life with my whole heart and soul dedicated to the accomplishment of reunification, and I will live the rest of my days in the same way: in the pursuit of God's will. It is my hope that from this point on, all seventy million Koreans, both North and South, will put an end to struggle and conflict, and stand forward to revive our ethnic unity through reconciliation and love.

Let us consider that this is now the time when swords should be beaten into plowshares and hasten with preparation for the dawning of a new century under a common united homeland.

-- Sun Myung Moon

In the text of this statement one can find the meaning behind Reverend Moon's trip to North Korea and the aims he intended it to fulfill.

Finally, then, Reverend Moon's visit to North Korea slipped into history. In the history of the reunification of the Korean homeland, it will surely be nothing less than a great chapter.

Announcement of the Joint Declaration

Once Reverend Moon returned to South Korea, the joint declaration that he and Committee Chairman Yoon Ki Bok signed on December 5, 1991, became public. It read:

Rev. Sun Myung Moon, chairman of the Federation for World Peace, and his entourage visited the northern parts of the Korean fatherland beginning from November 30, 1991. During the course of his visit, Chairman Moon visited his hometown of Jeong Ju in Pyeong An Puk Do and was reunited with members of his family and relatives. Not only did he see the beautiful mountains and rivers of his birthplace, but he was also able to visit a number of other areas, including the City of Pyongyang, Nampo City, the Kang Won Do region and the Kumgang Mountain region. During the course of his stay; talks were held between Reverend Sun Myung Moon, chairman of the Federation for World Peace, and Mr. Yoon Ki Bok, chairman of the Committee for the Support of Koreans Living Overseas.
Based on the contents of these talks [Reverend Moon and Mr. Yoonj make the following declaration:
Both panics emphasize that the division of the Korean nation and the Korean people, which has lasted nearly half a century, must be brought to an end, and that reunification should be accomplished without fail in the near future, within a few years.
Both parties agree that reunification of the Korean homeland must be realized peacefully and through inter-Korean dialogue and cooperation, autonomously, and without the intervention or interference of foreign powers.
Both parties recognize that North and South, as one common people, should pursue reunification of the Korean homeland democratically and in a manner befitting the Korean situation based upon a foundation of coexistence and co-prosperity, in order to establish a single unified nation.
Both parties commonly assert that to avoid the terrible sufferings of war being inflicted once again on the Korean people, North and South must agree to non-aggression. Also, both parties commonly assert that nuclear energy must be used for only peaceful purposes and that construction and deployment of nuclear weapons must not take place on the Korean peninsula. Moreover, attempts by certain quarters to resolve the problem of "nuclear inspections" by force threaten the peace and stability of the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia, and should be stopped at once.
Both parties aspire to see the successful development of high-level inter-Korean talks with the goal of dissolving the state of political and military opposition on the Korean peninsula and realizing multi-faceted exchange and cooperation.
Both parties hope that high-level inter-Korean talks will develop according to the expectations of all the Korean people and swiftly bring about the convening of a presidential summit between North and South.
Both parties express their common desire that, under the general principle that blood is thicker than water, ethnic unity can be achieved, and that people with influence give influence, people with knowledge give knowledge, and people with finances give money, thus actively contributing to the realization of the unification of the Korean homeland.
The Committee for Support of Koreans Living Overseas expressed welcome to economic investment in the North by Koreans living overseas, while at the same time, the Federation for World Peace expressed the intention to pursue investment, in various forms, in economic enterprises currently ongoing in the North.
Both parties agreed that cultural exchanges will be implemented between the Federation for World Peace and the Committee for the Support of Koreans Living Overseas. To start with, both parties determined to arrange and carry out the next year, 1992, invitational performances in Pyongyang by the Little Angels Folk Ballet of Korea and in Seoul by the Pyongyang Children's Performing Arts Troupe.
Both parties decided to put their common effort, together with related organizations, into realizing freedom of travel and full exchanges between North and South in order to advance the swift realization of national reunification and ameliorate the suffering of the ten million divided Korean families. Both parties also decided to work toward setting up, before the end of the next year, 1992, and at a mutually agreeable location, a place for interviewing divided families and exchanging letters, and to make efforts to see that priority is given to exchanges between aged family members.

Reverend Moon also signed an economic cooperation agreement with Deputy Premier Kim. On December 5, 1991, two copies of the agreement were drafted in Korean and signed by both parties. Each party received a copy.

From December 1, 1991 to December 5, 1991, talks concerning economic matters were held in Pyongyang by Deputy Premier Kim Dal Hyon, chairman of the Ministry of Foreign Trade for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Rev. Sun Myung Moon, chairman of the Federation for World Peace. Agreements were reached on the following:
Through a number of affiliated companies, Chairman Sun Myung Moon will carry out technological and economic investment in certain development projects, beginning with the construction of infrastructure for a free-trade zone in the Micon Bong district of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Chairman Moon will also take steps to attract investment by foreign enterprises. These activities will be recognized and approved by the Ministry of Foreign Trade of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Both parties agree to construct and operate tourist areas in various scenic regions of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, beginning with the Kumgang Mountain area, in accordance with specified methods. After obtaining written permission from appropriate government organizations, Chairman Sun Myung Moon will mobilize field specialists to draft research reports and comprehensive plans for the construction of tourist area facilities. Investment by international enterprises affiliated with Chairman Sun Myung Moon and steps by said enterprises to attract foreign investment will be recognized and approved by the Ministry of Foreign Trade of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Chairman Moon will invest in construction of a light industrial base in the Kumgang Mountain and neighboring Wonsan regions.
In order to carry out the above-mentioned items of agreement, both parties agree that working-level talks between their representatives will be held either in Pyongyang or Beijing starting from 1992.

These joint declarations triggered a very strong reaction from the South Korean government and elicited a lot of public discussion and censure among the South Korean people. The South Korean Ministry of Unification sharply criticized the declarations as an act of usurping the authority of the government. How can an individual announce this kind of joint declaration, they asked, when such responsibility right-fully belongs to the government?

However, the government's criticisms were entirely inappropriate. They greatly misconstrued the reality due to a failure to understand the motive behind Reverend Moon's actions. I would like to point out here, in detail, four reasons why the government's conclusions were mistaken.

First, there is no reasonable way we can say that declarations are solely the prerogative of the government. A free person may always express his or her viewpoint. Moreover, this joint statement was not a declaration undertaken together with the North Korean government. Reverend Moon repeatedly emphasized that he was acting as an individual and not as a representative of the government. He also emphasized this point several times at the talks with President Kim Il Sung, and he earnestly entreated that reconciliation and cooperation be carried out "government to government." Reverend Moon had no intention of causing difficulty for the government. Indeed, the statement itself represented an agreement between the Federation for World Peace and the Committee for Support of Koreans Living Overseas and was never a declaration of government policy. It was, at most, a list of desires and aspirations; an expression of earnest hope.

Second, in complete contrast to the criticism leveled by the Ministry of Unification, Reverend Moon's true intention lay in facilitating future agreements between governments. He wanted to win from the North Koreans some kind of substantial commitment and determination, even if it were only a few words. Obtaining greater commitment, be it only a few words, would place greater pressure on the North Koreans in the future. It would make it just that much more difficult for them to retreat. And the effect would be the same whether it was an individual agreement or an agreement between governments, because the contents of the agreements were made public and reported in the media.

Furthermore, doesn't every clause of the joint statement only state exactly what the forty million citizens of South Korea desire? What is there to oppose? Isn't having North Korea commit itself to such ideals on every possible occasion and opportunity the way to bring us one step closer to peaceful reunification?

Third, there is one fact that the South Korean government is completely unaware of. The truth is, the joint statement announced together with Chairman Yoon was signed December 5, the day before Reverend Moon met with President Kim. This was actually part of Reverend Moon's strategy. Thanks to the aftereffects of the Mahn Soo Dae declaration, it was still uncertain whether a meeting would be held with Kim Il Sung. In fact, at that point, it seemed highly unlikely that such a meeting would be possible. This joint statement was a message from Reverend Moon to President Kim.

Reverend Moon and Chairman Kim Dal Hyon of the Committee for Support of Koreans Living Overseas signed a joint declaration on Dec. 5, 1991.

What is the gist of the joint statement, anyway? (1) Development of nuclear weapons should be abandoned and nuclear energy must only be used peacefully; (2) North and South have to agree to non-aggression, talks between the two should make progress, and upcoming high-level talks between North and South should be implemented; (3) let us have serious discussions about the issue of divided families, let us establish locations where divided families can meet beginning from 1992, and let opportunities for reunion he made available, beginning with senior citizens. Each of these three main points was an expression of Reverend Moon's sincere desire. "In case you don't want to meet me, President Kim Il Sung, take a look at this statement and you will know why I came to North Korea." This was the message contained in the joint statement. At the same time, if the meeting with Kim Il Sung went ahead, the joint statement would be useful homework for the North Korean president. in other words, it was a kind of homework saying, "I intend to raise these issues, so please think about them in advance and prepare your response to them."

As it turned out, the discussions held the next day focused on the three problems mentioned above, and President Kim gave clear, positive responses. In this sense, this joint statement was the creation of Reverend Moon's no-lose strategy, and in the end, the strategy proved 100 percent successful.

The fourth reason why the government's appraisal of Reverend Moon's actions was mistaken is that it grossly underestimated the power of non-governmental diplomacy (some-times called Track II diplomacy). Take a look at the history of diplomacy around the world. Before the government steps forth, there are always behind-the-scenes preparatory contacts carried out by non-governmental parties and individuals. One can easily find numerous examples of these contacts bearing fruit. Perhaps the greatest diplomatic success of the last century -- America's establishment of diplomatic relations with communist China -- was the fruit of what started with non-governmental "ping-pong diplomacy." America was well aware of the importance of non-governmental relations and actively used them. Another familiar example is the visit of former President Jimmy Carter to North Korea in 1994 to develop the prospects for summit talks between North and South.

In the past, former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Bill Richardson saved the lives of U.S. citizens by traveling to terrorist nations around the world in a private capacity (he was a congressman at the time). When direct talks were not possible between Cuban dictator Fidel Castro and the U.S. government, Rev. Jesse Jackson developed relations by working behind the scenes. When the U.S. Embassy in Iran was overrun, the American government worked through Islamic leaders living in the United States to communicate with Ayatollah Khomeini.

It is extremely unfortunate that not only the South Korean government but also certain sectors of the media and the Christian establishment sought to downplay, as much as possible, the fruits of Reverend Moon's visit to North Korea. Using the name of a phantom organization to take out expensive advertisements in weekly magazines for the purpose of denouncing Reverend Moon's efforts, efforts motivated only by love for the people of Korea, can only be described as a terrible blot on the history of our progress toward national reunification.

There is an old Korean saying: "The hawk is the bird that catches the pheasant" (meaning that it is not a name that counts, but the deed). If the goal is achieved, does it matter who does it? It is customary to offer compliments when something that truly benefits the nation and reflects the hopes of the people is achieved. It is regrettable that, in this case, that admirable national trait was not displayed.

Certain quarters of the media attempted to censure Reverend Moon's trip to North Korea as "aiding and abetting the enemy" or even went so far as to label it "illegal behavior." If this isn't a case of jeok ban ha fang, I don't know what is. (Jeok ban ha fang is a Korean truism: "Save a thief from the gallows and he will cut your throat." It's roughly equivalent to a dog biting the hand that feeds it.) However, Reverend Moon has far too much character to feel angry or sorry for himself at the misunderstandings piled on by outsiders. "The truth will always be revealed in the end." That is the conviction by which he has lived his entire life.

As I come to the conclusion of this chapter, I confess that I feel a certain sense of sadness. At the time of the talks with President Kim Il Sung, I perceived a desire to hold a North-South summit using Reverend Moon as the go-between. The North Korean president wanted to hold summit talks with Roh Tae Woo, the then-president of South Korea, and invited Reverend Moon to North Korea to broker the affair.

If President Roh had invited Reverend Moon to the Blue House (the South Korean presidential residence), if he had listened to the information Reverend Moon had about the situation in North Korea, if he had congratulated Reverend Moon on his accomplishments and asked him to mediate a summit between North and South, then an inter-Korean summit could have been realized in 1992. President Kim Il Sung was awaiting such a result with incredible anticipation.

Unfortunately, the South Korean government of that time was unable to digest the results of Reverend Moon's diplomatic efforts, and finally, the fruits of his work were simply buried with the flow of time. When I think about it, it seems a great pity.

December 6, 1996, marked the fifth anniversary of Reverend Moon's meeting with President Kim Il Sung. Although the North Korean president had passed away, a special ceremony commemorating the day was held in Pyongyang at the instruction of General Secretary Kim Jong Il. I myself did not attend. However, Mr. Sang Kwon Park, CEO of the Kumgangsan International Consortium, and Mr. Hyo Yool Kim, special assistant to Reverend Moon, attended as representatives of the Unification Church. Hyo Yool Kim is, of course, the same Hyo Yool Kim who visited North Korea at the time of Reverend Moon's visit in 1991.

What is the significance of this event? It shows that even after Kim Il Sung has passed away, the talks he held with Reverend Moon remain a significant historical event. In fact, all the promises that President Kim made to Reverend Moon continue to be maintained as the testament of the Great Leader.

The substance of the Moon-Kim conference continues to live on. It will continue to have an effect until the day nation-al reunification is achieved.

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